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Pragmatic aspect of Albanian political populism in the
formation of the foreign policy agenda
Logu, Klajdi
1
Correo: klajdilogu86@gmail.com
Orcid: https://orcid.org/0009-0000-9253-5536
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14982930
Abstract
The study aims to address the question of the ability to implement democratic
principles on a legal basis on the example of the Albanian political space. In a
historical retrospective, the author analysed the formation and characteristics of
Albania's political institutions, including the challenges of the transition period
since 1997. The value orientations of the political space of a functioning
democracy at the institutional level are defined. The study noted that Albanian
political reality and behaviour are characterised by the prevalence of antagonistic
principles, which can lead to the totalisation of society. At the same time, Albania's
political space is characterised by the phenomenon of political absenteeism, which
allows for the correlation of mass public opinion following the political interests
of the ruling elite. The author traced the negative impact of political populism,
which is curtailing basic democratic principles. This study is of practical
importance, as it can be used during scientific seminars, narrowly focused or
multidisciplinary conferences, and in discussions among academics and
researchers.
Keywords: regulated institutionalism, antagonism, freedom without order,
populism, post-truth, functional democracy.
1
Faculty of Law, Political Science & International Relations, European University of Tirana, Albania.
Sección: Artículo científico 2025, julio-diciembre, año 5, No. 10, 489-515
Clío. Revista de Historia, Ciencias Humanas y Pensamiento Crítico
ISSN: 2660-9037 / Provincia de Pontevedra - España
Logu, Klajdi
Pragmatic aspect of Albanian political
populism in the formation of the foreign
policy agenda
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2025
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Aspecto pragmático del populismo político Albanés en la formación
de la agenda de política exterior
Resumen
El estudio pretende abordar la cuestión de la capacidad de aplicar los principios
democráticos sobre una base jurídica tomando como ejemplo el espacio político
albanés. En una retrospectiva histórica, el autor analiza la formación y las
características de las instituciones políticas albanesas, incluidos los retos del
período de transición desde 1997. Se definen las orientaciones de valor del espacio
político de una democracia que funciona a nivel institucional. El estudio constata
que la realidad y el comportamiento políticos albaneses se caracterizan por la
prevalencia de principios antagónicos, que pueden conducir a la totalización de la
sociedad. Al mismo tiempo, el espacio político albanés se caracteriza por el
fenómeno del absentismo político, que permite la correlación de la opinión pública
de masas siguiendo los intereses políticos de la élite gobernante. El autor rastreó
el impacto negativo del populismo político, que está cercenando los principios
democráticos básicos. Este estudio tiene una importancia práctica, ya que puede
utilizarse en seminarios científicos, conferencias de enfoque específico o
multidisciplinar, y en debates entre académicos e investigadores.
Palabras clave: institucionalismo regulado, antagonismo, libertad sin orden,
populismo, posverdad, democracia funcional.
Introduction
Ochlocracy as a manifestation of politicking is a phenomenon that has
defined Albania's domestic political agenda since 1997, given the characteristics
inherent in the political, legal and administrative space. Firstly, it is worth noting
the phenomenon of political absenteeism of the general minority, which is caused
by the corresponding steps of the political majority. Thus, at the institutional level,
the basic principles of liberal democracy are being destroyed. The latter cannot be
Clío. Revista de Historia, Ciencias Humanas y Pensamiento Crítico
ISSN: 2660-9037 / Provincia de Pontevedra - España
Logu, Klajdi
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considered functioning in the Albanian political space. Representative democracy
as such has no implementation mechanisms. Throughout Albania's transition
period, political institutions have not been able to get on a constitutionally
regulated and legally backed track based on the principles of democracy without
socialist impurities and a tendency towards anarchy (Kullolli, 2023). Given the
challenges of the 1997 transition period in Albania, it is necessary to seek ways to
implement the principles of institutional democracy as a mechanism for the
functioning of constitutionally enshrined representative democracy. At the same
time, the issues raised necessitated an application of Albanian experience in
finding mechanisms to prevent crisis disorders in the political agendas of other
young democracies. In this context, it is worth emphasising the limited
opportunities for the existence and spread of pyramid schemes, problems of
representation, and political and economic governance. Warnings regarding the
uncontrolled transition in Albania in 1997 can play an equally important role as a
“history lesson” (Morone, 2025).
The issue of the functioning of representative democracy and institutional
communication based on the system of “checks and balances” was studied by
Austin and Ellison (2008). He presents the path of decommunization on the
example of the political space of Albania, strengthening the role of parliament as
the highest representative body, i.e. determining the general political agenda for
the transition period at the time of 1997.
Levitin (2017) studied the issue of determining the value orientations of
liberal democracies. In conclusion, the study notes that the functional direction of
modern mass media depends on the purpose of using mass media, and on the
media culture of society in general. In other words, it is either a factor that will
Clío. Revista de Historia, Ciencias Humanas y Pensamiento Crítico
ISSN: 2660-9037 / Provincia de Pontevedra - España
Logu, Klajdi
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contribute to human progress and spread the values of liberal democracy or a
means of manipulating the consciousness of the population in the interests of
political leaders.
In general categories, the phenomena of political absenteeism, the formation
of representative bodies of power, and the electoral process in the post-truth
environment were studied and presented by sociologist Bauman (Grabovska,
2016). Using a comparative perspective, the study examines the characteristics
and impact of social media on the formation of a pluralism of opinions and
analyses the reasons for the formation of a degrading comfort zone in the
“information bubble”. The issue of “post-truth” is also raised in the works of
journalist and writer Pomerantsev (2016) and scholar Levitin (2017). The article
analyses the challenges of the postmodern world and proves the significant role of
critical thinking as the basis for conscious analysis of the information
disseminated.
Balladur (2006) studied the phenomenon of formation of the vertical of
power, subordination and equality before the law of both the President and all
branches of power, functioning of the latter through the provision of sufficient
independence in decision-making, but at the same time transparency and
accountability. Regarding indirectly about the Albanian political space, E.
Balladur concluded that there is “Machiavellianism in democracy”.
The presented results raise the issue of the functioning of representative
democracy and electoral processes. The challenge is the desire to maintain
alienated control of power by each branch of government separately. However,
the problem of the possible degeneration of the parliamentary majority with its
tendency to authoritarianism is not well understood in the scientific community.
Clío. Revista de Historia, Ciencias Humanas y Pensamiento Crítico
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The political space of the post-Soviet young democracies has not yet enshrined a
regulated legislative process with definite subjects at the constitutional level
(Azemi, 2025 & Dinaj, 2024). Therefore, granting subjectivity to the
parliamentary majority following the law with the right to amend the Constitution
may harm the process of state-building (Abdrasulov et al., 2015). The study aims
to analyse and present the characteristic features of the political space of Albania
on the path of state and legal development before and after 1997. To achieve this
goal, the author examines the peculiarities of the political, constitutional and
administrative field of the latter, provides an overview of the mechanisms of
functioning of representative democracy and, accordingly, the branches of power,
the place of the President and the regulatory functions of the Constitutional Court.
1. Materials and methods
The study analysed in stages the broken aspects of the functioning of liberal
democracy and the corresponding pragmatism in the implementation of foreign
policy not in the national interest, i.e. in favour of ochlos. In the historical
retrospective from the 1990s, the interdependence between the instability of
electoral processes in Albania and the ephemeral functional capacities of
institutional democracy was traced. The author analysed the possibilities for
shaping institutional culture given the current state of domestic political agendas
through the appeal to historical memory as a basis for the formation of national
consciousness. The next stage of the study was to analyse the transition from the
authoritarian past, which was not fully realised in the conclusion. To determine
the reasons for such consequences, the study examined the mechanisms of
transition of all branches of power to the control of the parliamentary majority,
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ISSN: 2660-9037 / Provincia de Pontevedra - España
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even constitutional institutions that have lost the possibility of indirect political
involvement. The author traces the dynamics of transformations in the political,
legal, and administrative fields, which determines the dependence of Albania's
state and legal development on foreign policy processes, and the inability to
independently declare national interests given national security issues in the
international arena.
To determine the manifestation of the features of liberal democracy in the
general socio-political space of Albania, the method of abstraction was used. The
analysis of certain models of socio-political structures, regimes, and democracy
models was used to explore the democratic traditions inherent in Albanian culture
and moral and ethical social order. To this end, the features of historical memory,
which focuses on the patterns of authoritarianism in the implementation of the
political system, were studied. The same method has become predominant in the
search for answers to the question of how to form personalised institutions and the
“cult of the leader” as opposed to representative democracy. Various models of
democracy, civic institutions and the search for favourable ways to form a
democratic society have been studied in the field of comparative political science
to understand real political processes.
The study proved the factor of abuse of its fundamental means in the context
of Albanian reality through the structural analysis of conceptual elements in the
process of functioning democracy as a system. The study analyses the stage of
formation and identifies the features of the turbulent period of change in Albania
when the latter failed to get on the constitutional and legal track. The latter is
rooted in deeply rooted democratic principles based on respect for legal
mechanisms of regulation and order as a guarantee of freedom and equality before
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the law. The political mechanisms of response and governance by the political
elite and the top state leadership, in general, were studied.
The functional method in the field of state and law theory is used to
understand the definition of “elite” (leading minority) as a function of its people.
The internal capacities of the “elite” depend on the maturity and development of
the people, on constant contact for their convergence.
2. Results
Given the political, legal and administrative space of Albania, it is possible
to note the centralised formation of the ruling vertical through the destabilisation
of synergy in the activities of the branches of power based on the principle of
“checks and balances”. The party-state leadership demonstrated the feudal type of
mentality of medieval society. Therefore, the phenomena of political absenteeism,
which leads to the formation of mass society, and the degeneration of democracy
into ochlocracy and internal political destabilisation through the intensification of
the struggle of deprived strata of society for their rights without regulation and
specific legal definition of responsibilities, are becoming relevant. The “mass
society” is a direct threat to democracy, which is gradually degenerating, making
it impossible for civil society to exist. Thus, Acemoglu and Robinson (2001),
addressing the key values of liberal democracy, traced the following pattern on the
way to the formation of a “mass society”: due to the similarity and equality of all
people in democratic societies, they are subject to “the constant and harsh play of
chance”, but because of the natural recurrence of their successes and failures, “the
drama remains the same, and only the actors change”.
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As a result, the actualisation of the concepts of “the end of the social and
“the end of history” is noteworthy. The media appear as a means of imposing their
abstract logic in the postmodern era (Ternov et al., 2024). The issues of the
dominance of paradoxical logic over dialectical logic, the prevalence of imitations
and simulacra as opposed to reality, truth, and objectivity are on the agenda. This
leads to the dominance of fake news over facts in the modern political space.
More than two decades marked a milestone, an indicator of the instability
and ephemerality of electoral processes in Albania as a driver of a strong,
functioning democracy. Under such conditions, the expansion of freedoms and the
implementation of the basic elements of functional institutionalism cannot be
discussed. Representative democracy is not a manifestation of majoritarian
centralism, when one can observe constant synergy and convergence between the
government and the people, even if the elections are not open but majoritarian,
and therefore centralised and in one round. But it is precisely this perspective that
could ensure delegation, responsibility, and openness (Varga & Bloom, 2018).
It is worth noting the growth of the phenomenon of politicking, mass
participation and dysfunctional democracy against the backdrop of uncontrolled
anarchy, as exemplified by the Albanian political space during the period of formal
independence (Elmira & Perizat, 2023). To understand this, it is possible to refer
to the partially repeated slogan of the opposition leader, Mr. Lulezim Basha, in
front of a disgruntled crowd: “Everything for the people, with the people and
nothing against the people”. This is a manifestation of a tendency to appeal to
strong personalities in the history of not only one's own country, as this expression
became the property of the transformations in Hungary more than 170 years ago
and was uttered by Lajos Kossuth, as well as an appeal to the figure of Abraham
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Lincoln, who shaped the national idea for American democracy. Thus, Albania
once again proves the fact that politicians' focus on the national idea, on pragmatic
domestic political transformations, on their sovereignty, which allows them to
create an image of an “external enemy” is just a slogan on the way to consolidating
power without responsibility to the voters (Austin & Ellison, 2008).
In this context, the transition phase in Albania can be analysed. Power was
separate from governance mechanisms. Thus, representative democracy is a mere
party agreement. The principle “I am taxed, therefore I am represented” does not
apply at all. Liberal democracy has not become an important factor in transforming
the mentality and behaviour of the subject due to the lack of tangible changes in
the political field compared to the previous totalitarian system against the
background of representative democracy. It is possible to observe an
amalgamation, which is an expression of the typical Albanian appeal to the
established course of development in historical memory from the point of view of
a “victim of history” (Weber, 1997).
Democracy has given a form of “freedom” in the implementation of
authoritarianism from above, which inevitably generates discontent among the
masses against the background of existing amorphous theses, manifested in
anarchic acts and unorganised protests from below. In a democratic society,
ochlocracy becomes a functioning system (Amelin et al., 2024; Apakhayev et al.,
2017). In this context, it is possible to draw a correlation between the
implementation of democratic principles and the sustainability of economic
development, since the lack of a long historical tradition of political democracy in
the territory often leads to belonging to geographically disadvantaged and
therefore underdeveloped parts of the world. The above research result is in line
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with M. Weber's assumption that modern democracy in its specific outlines can
function only under the special conditions of “capitalist industrialisation” (Lipset,
1959).
The early 1990s were marked by the promotion of the concept of
“democracy through the rule of law among former communist countries as a
guarantee of stable climatic conditions, if not geographically, then politically for
institutional culture. As a definition, it is primarily reduced to a system of “checks
and balances” as a foundation for a functioning institutional democracy, in which
each branch of government would have independence but at the same time coexist
in synergy through respect for laws and decisions of the Constitutional Court (such
a structure allows ensuring equality of citizens before the law when the latter does
not become a political weapon and does not distort the idea of equality before the
law) (Amelin et al., 2023). Based on anecdotal evidence, there was centralised,
individual or clan control of the branches of power with regulated antagonism in
the issue of coexistence. Public opinion was not educated in the spirit of a “plural
political culture” based on the principles of multiculturalism and universal
tolerance. Representative democracy as such implies the existence of more than
one alternative for the healthy institutional functioning of democracy, regardless
of one's affiliation with a particular political force. In a democracy, political
discourse is aimed not only at the cognition of reality (cognitive function), but also
at the electoral process, which involves the factor of competition, the existence of
winners and losers, and the factor of holding power (manipulative function)
(Serikzhanova et al., 2024). Therefore, according to Soros (2010), the
conventionally democratic nature of political discourse does not always ensure a
balanced political vector, given the mechanisms of implementation of the
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authoritarian regime, which is designed to suppress the opposition element in one
way or another.
Institutionalisation, given the Albanian political agendas, has not been a
guarantee of a political climate that would have a foundation built on trust, as
elections, whether local or legislative, have not solved the problems that have
unfortunately occurred in succession in one decade or another. There are
numerous comments on the electoral codes, on changes and additions to them, and
the ups and downs in the electoral process. The Office for Democratic Institutions
and Human Rights and Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
proposals for changes to the electoral process in Albania are discussed in an
extended timeframe. However, regardless of the parliamentary or local nature,
there was no certification by specialised international institutions as “free and
fair”. Their results were perceived with or without reservations, accompanied by
suspicions, criticism and boycotts of the institutions themselves in the wake of the
election processes. Furthermore, there was a phenomenon of vote trading within
the institutions, as well as a rotation of elected members between certain parties.
Even including the factor of competence and the votes of a qualified majority in
the parliament, this phenomenon was also partly the result of unprincipled
compromises (Gjoni, 2004).
Where votes were traded within the parliament, members of parliament were
elected through delegation of powers to a qualified parliamentary majority in a
wave of general instability and chaotic socio-political processes, partly driven by
self-interest. For example, despite the legislative changes, the President of the
Republic was elected in the 3rd round of voting by a parliamentary majority. This
practice has damaged the system of checks and balances. The distribution of power
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was left to the will of circumstances, and interests that were limited to maintaining
power positions and almost absolute control over the branches of government. If
reduced to quantitative, understandable categories, institutional democracy was
not about owning a piece of the “cake”, but about owning the “whole cake”. The
rhetoric used by Mr. Edi Rama during the last election in 2017 can be considered
proof. The reason for this was institutional representative democracy without trust
mechanisms, so the delegated sovereignty of voters did not become an important
factor in decision-making. Public opinion has become more of a controlled
mechanism at the stage of electorate formation, given the general atmosphere of
political absenteeism (Johnson, 2001).
This transition from the authoritarian past did not have clearly defined
guidelines, the responsibility for which would be assigned to political parties as
representative platforms of the majority interests in the overall political game.
Political synergy has not acquired the character of a culture of tolerance,
institutionalism as a necessary component of a functioning democracy, and the
needs of public opinion and mentality in general, which hinders the functional
mechanisms of democracy (Perizat & Elmira, 2023). Given the transitional stage,
but prolonged in time, it is possible to distinguish two approaches that have found
their place in the respective political moral and ethical climate (Glenny, 1997).
The study focused on the domestic political agenda of the young democracy
on its way to becoming a young democracy and shaping its face in the international
arena, the possibility of pursuing its policy given national interests or complete
dependence on global processes through its dysfunctional state mechanism.
Consequently, in 2014, the justice sector was reformed through a special
parliamentary committee (Pajo, 2016). Based on several public opinion polls
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conducted between 2009 and 2015, the study concluded that corruption schemes
prevailed, that external factors interfered excessively, that there was a lack of
transparent practices, and that cases were being heard for a long time without final
decisions. A direct manifestation of democracy, when public opinion was used to
formulate the Assessment Reports, which were used to form the Reform Strategy
to prevent further conflicts of interest around wealth and property
misappropriation. At the same time, this was the impetus for constitutional
changes in 2016, when several legislative acts were adopted, including the Law
on Re-Evaluation of Judges and Prosecutors. Based on several cases, the study
concluded that there is a need to improve the verification system in Albania, to
ensure the impartiality and independence of the National Judicial Council without
the prevalence of certain interests beyond the requirements of Article 6(1) of the
Convention, the criteria of a “fair trial” (Council of Europe, 2023).
The most pronounced approach was to take control of all branches of power
by the parliamentary majority, even constitutional institutions that had lost the
possibility of indirect political involvement and thus independence in decision-
making. In other words, this situation in the modelled version takes the form of a
political party that holds seats in the government and gains responsibility for
electing the President, appointments to the judiciary and other institutions with
ephemeral independence. Under these conditions, the parliamentary minority
appears as a complement to representative democracy in general (Arabadjiev,
2013). It loses its decision-making powers if it ignores alternatives or expresses
disagreements, or opposition as such. There is a kind of power grab that is
horizontal on the one hand (other branches of the national government), but also
vertical (regional and local authorities, private businesses or other non-state
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institutions such as the media). In other words, democracy in the Albanian political
system has undergone a transition from a totalitarian (centralised) monocratic
system to a dual monocratic system, which through pluralism has allegedly
acquired a democratic colouring (authoritarianism alternately manoeuvred
following certain political beliefs represented in certain party slogans) (De Waal,
2005).
The excessive dependence of Albania's domestic political agenda on foreign
policy processes, in particular, economic ones, was traced in the analysis of the
consequences of the economic crisis of 2007-2009. At that time, eurozone
countries such as Ireland, Spain, Portugal, and Italy had no mechanisms to address
the consequences of their governments' rising debt levels and budget deficits, the
increase in the required rate of return, and the issue of future long-term financing.
Albania's economy has been significantly impacted and challenged by the crisis,
with Greece and Italy as its main economic partners (Abdraimov et al., 2013;
Vlasov, 2013). The bulk of Albania's foreign trade is with Greece and Italy, and
the inflow of foreign direct investment is also indirectly tied to these countries.
Albania's financial sector is also heavily dependent on a significant number of
remittances from emigrants who prefer to live and work in Italy and Greece. In
this way, it was possible to resolve the issue of Albania's current account deficit
(Tables 1, 2).
Table 1. Albanian exports to Greece in 2008-2011 (in million euros)
2008
2009
2010
2011
80.4
56.4
62.5
71.1
Source: processed by the author based on Bank of Albania (2009; 2010; 2011)
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Table 2. Albanian imports from Italy 2008-2011 (in million euros)
Years
2008
2009
2010
2011
Level of experience
945.8
850.1
987.9
1200.7
Source: processed by the author based on Bank of Albania (2009; 2010; 2011)
In general, the basic principles of liberal democracy cannot be considered to
be functioning in the Albanian political space. Therefore, representative
democracy as such has no implementation mechanisms. The principles of
institutional democracy do not properly define the mechanism of functioning of
representative democracy. Human freedoms and liberties are not properly
respected (Ivaniuk, 2024). The trust agreement is not valid because the freedoms
of life, property and speech were violated. Democracy as a cultural factor also has
no functional manifestations in the Albanian political space. This can be
confirmed by Filippov and Kalotay (2011) opinion that Albanians are more likely
to gravitate towards tribal organisation, given the mentality and public opinion in
general. Therefore, Albania eventually became the home of “their short-sighted
thoughts”, where a constant element of denial without compromise prevails, and
therefore “anarchy and the absence of the rule of law to some extent become the
soul and lifeblood”.
3. Discussion
The results of the study are of scientific value not only in the historical and
political, but also in the philosophical plane for understanding and justifying
certain political processes, changes, and transformations. The results of the study
have significant similarities in the models obtained with Spooner's findings. The
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system of secret ballot poses a challenge to a functioning representative
democracy due to the lack of mechanisms to ensure transparency of state power
at the stage of the election process.
The presented results raise the issue of the functioning of representative
democracy and electoral processes when each branch of government tries to
maintain control over the power in an alienated manner. In such political
circumstances, resorting to the practice of forming and operating a parliamentary
majority only accelerates the process of transition from a democratic to an
authoritarian system. In addition, the following two functional dangers of
democracy were identified: “tyranny of the majority and soft despotism”, which
correlates with the conclusions of Acemoglu and Robinson (2001).
It is worth referring to the opinion on Albania's 2010 application to the
European Commission, the decisions of the Ministry of European and Foreign
Affairs on the path of Albania's integration into the EU, and the main results of
the European Commission (2021) Accession Report. In the political sphere, there
has been a large-scale electoral reform after the general elections on 25 April 2021,
supported by the digitalisation process, and the adoption of several legislative acts,
in particular concerning the judiciary (National Agency of…, 2022).
“Pragmatic national interests” are partly becoming a cliché in the general
rhetoric of political leaders of certain countries with dysfunctional democratic
mechanisms, which is reflected in the representation of the outlines of
representative democracy in domestic political realities, as well as in the electoral
system, which leads to the intensification of the phenomena of “mass society”,
“silent majority”, and “political absenteeism” (Mukhtarova et al., 2024). In
comparison, it is possible to mention the studies of Fenves (2023), Kaura-aho
Clío. Revista de Historia, Ciencias Humanas y Pensamiento Crítico
ISSN: 2660-9037 / Provincia de Pontevedra - España
Logu, Klajdi
Pragmatic aspect of Albanian political
populism in the formation of the foreign
policy agenda
Año 5
, No. 10, julio-diciembre,
2025
Página
505
(2021), Follert (2021) and Koçi (2024) on the “silent majority as a synonym for
“mass society’, explored the challenges for the political space of the postmodern
world. It is possible to trace the interdependence of the definitions of “post-truth”
and “mass society”. Postulating the mass media as a means of imposing their
abstract logic in the postmodern era, the researchers actualise the problem of the
dominance of paradoxical logic over dialectical logic. There is a predominance of
imitations and simulacra as opposed to reality, truth, and objectivity, which in turn
leads to the dominance of fake news over facts in the political space (Lyndyuk et
al., 2023).
The results of the study determine the need to find alternatives and ways to
implement the mechanisms of true democracy, rather than the features of
ochlocracy through democratic cosmetic superficial transformations. Recent
changes in the political space of Albania since 2021, based on the analysis of
historical data and the main planned budget expenditures, demonstrate progress in
the fight against corruption, crime, gender equality, the settlement of migration
waves, and the creation of a solid foundation for a functioning market economy
(Ketners, 2024). A specialised structure for fighting corruption and organised
crime acts promptly to respond to certain challenges (European Commission,
2021).
The results of the study are not limited to the historical and political planes,
as evidenced by the works of Biberaj (1999), Brzezinski (2000), Uruçi and Boriçi
(2009), who studied the issues of deterritorialisation and denationalisation with a
departure from the Westphalian principle of “territory sovereignty
citizenship”. The world order at the beginning of the twenty-first century requires
a revision and understanding of the models of governance of “nation-states” with
Clío. Revista de Historia, Ciencias Humanas y Pensamiento Crítico
ISSN: 2660-9037 / Provincia de Pontevedra - España
Logu, Klajdi
Pragmatic aspect of Albanian political
populism in the formation of the foreign
policy agenda
Año 5
, No. 10, julio-diciembre,
2025
Página
506
an understanding of linear borders as political and territorial institutions or an
artificial invention of the human mind (Akhmetov & Zhamuldinov, 2025).
The study focused on the challenges in the implementation of the main
components of representative democracy, including the implementation of the
electoral process in Albania. However, global processes that have revealed the
crisis of liberal democracy have been ignored (Yuliia et al., 2025).
In comparison, the study of Hansen (2020) not only raised the issue of the
doom of democracy but also the experience of the functioning of not only young
democracies. Rather, conclusions were drawn regarding the lack of experience in
the historical perspective of implementing the main components of liberal
democracy and, in the economic plane, the principles of a market economy built
on neoliberal capitalist rails. Therefore, the study aims to determine alternatives
and new models for the transition from ochlocracy or authoritarianism to direct
democracy. It is possible to refer to the arguments of the proponents of the
transition to epistocracy, which now, however, is also guided by some utopian
alternatives.
The results of the presented study correlate with the conclusions of Hansen
(2020) on the functioning of the electoral law but are not aimed at finding an
alternative. Brennan's criticised system of representation was modelled with the
theoretical advantages of multiple voices, defining the term “rule of the knowing”.
In general, the problem is reduced to the ineffectiveness of the so-called
democratic electorate due to partly misinformed electorate against the background
of political absenteeism, which becomes a fruitful foundation for certain
politicians who further distort the understanding of representative democracy as
such, representing the interests of supranational financial circles rather than voters