
CLÍO:
Revista de ciencias humanas y pensamiento crítico.
Año 3, Núm 5. Enero / Junio (2023)
Gloria Zarza Rondón
Between ction and passion... PP: 240-261
ISSN 2660-9037
242
was part of the Romantic Movement where the high emotional content pre-
sented by its plots prevailed5. Also, in the nineteenth century, the marked sen-
timental trend and its “deliberate attraction to cause readers to cry” (León,
2014:126). As a “complement” to this sentimental novel, we must point out
the initiative on the part of newspapers, in countries such as France, England
or the United States, to publish some of these stories in magazines, gazettes
and newspapers6, broken down into chapters7. However, the most direct back-
ground of the telenovela, as we know it today, was the radio soap opera, which
emerged in 1926 in the United States in the heat of the growing radio industry.
It was then that dierent manufacturers’ rms, through advertising agencies,
began to sponsor this type of program (Barrón, 2009: 79). The patrons of the-
se radio broadcasts were mostly engaged in the manufacture of soaps and
cleaning products for housewives who listened to the radio while performing
household chores. This is how well-known brands (Colgate Palmolive, Peet,
etc.) became interested in the initiative, giving rise to the term Soap Opera, to
name this type of melodramatic radio program8 that, under the “protection
of soap”, would end up moving to the television format with the same name9.
In Mexico, the rst radio soap operas began to be heard in the late thir-
ties10, reaching a large number of listeners with stories such as
El derecho de
Bernardino de Saint- Pierre in 1788.
5 It was a melodrama that basically consisted of having a protagonist, an antagonist and an hindered love
that nally emerges victorious. Reyes de la Maza, L.: Crónica de la telenovela I: México Senmental. México,
Editorial Clío, 1999, p. 10. Vid. in: Barrón Domínguez, L.: Mexican Telenovela Industry: process of communi-
caon, documentaon and commercializaon. Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2009, p. 78
6 Ibidem, p. 127. “The stories that addressed this genre showed heroines who lived situaons of roman-
ce, acon, drama, and suspense where the highlight was a scene of intrigue that kept the reader in a
state of expectaon to know what the outcome would be”.
7 Barrón Domínguez, L.:
La industria de la telenovela mexicana: procesos de comunicación, documentación y
comercialización.
Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2009, p.s. 78-79.
8 They also acted as sponsors represenng brands of cereals, beverages or medicines, as the radio soap opera
became an eecve method to promote their products. León Valdez, R.: “La telenovela histórica en México:
apuntes para la construcción de un proyecto con “benecio social”.
Muldisciplina,
# 18, 2014, p. 127.
9 At rst, the iniave to transfer these stories to the audiovisual format did not arouse great interest
among the producers, since it was thought that for most of the listeners (mainly women), the novelty
would not be well received. The explanaon was simple: the radio could be part of the daily acvies
of housewives, that is, listening to the radio soap operas while performing daily tasks did not suppose
any kind of distracon; however, the new soap opera format required momentarily abandoning do-
mesc acvies. However, the rst incursion of the radio novel into the audiovisual eld was carried
out in the United States in 1950, with the television melodrama entled:
The First Hundred Years,
obtai-
ning an audience ranking that reached almost four million viewers. Ibid., p. 128.
10 Following the idea of Marn Barbero, we will point out that the aforemenoned “newspaper novel or
saga” typical of the nineteenth century, was introduced in Cuba through the readings that were made
in the tobacco factories while the workers carried out their work. Apparently, from there the model